Aid to Palestine is essentially palliative, intended to maintain a status quo. From that vantage point, aid seems to be remarkably complicit with continued Israeli occupation. How can funders and recipients break the cycle?
In Funding Cannot Stop Rights Abuses, Lori Allen concludes that
international aid to Palestine should not be falsely posited as a means to
curtail Israeli human rights violations. I couldn’t agree more! However, her
argument would be stronger if she didn’t conflate three distinct problems with
international aid that, while mutually reinforcing, are better addressed one by
one, and in a more nuanced way.
First, I agree with Allen that
only changed Israeli policy – not international aid – can resolve Israeli human
rights violations. Internationals that genuinely want to help should direct
their efforts at pressuring Israel for a just political resolution, not at
alleviating symptoms of occupation. However, this is not a critique of international
funding for human rights, but of the entire international community’s approach
to Palestine. Donors claim that humanitarian aid alleviates
humanitarian suffering, and that development aid promotes statebuilding, institution-building, and reform, among other
benign-sounding objectives. In fact, aid is essentially a palliative, intended
to maintain a stable status quo in support of the international community’s
larger political goals in Palestine. From that vantage point, aid seems to have
been both remarkably successful and remarkably complicit with continued Israeli
occupation, colonization, dispossession and exile.
Second, the purpose of funding to
human rights organizations in Palestine is, as Allen concedes, to support documentation,
analysis, and publicity about Israeli abuses, and to advocate for respect for
international law. But Allen seems to discount the value of these human rights
activities because they don’t, by themselves prevent abuses. She doesn’t seem
to appreciate that testimonies, videos, statistics and analysis collectively
form a solid body of irrefutable evidence about the massive violations of human
rights inherent in all aspects of Israeli occupation policy. To me, Allen’s
criticism is misplaced. Rather than suggest that human rights work isn’t
worthwhile, I think she should focus on the widely-acknowledged fact that Palestinian advocacy
strategy is weak, and that one possible explanation is that Palestinian human rights
organizations cannot strongly and credibly advocate for international
governments to hold Israel accountable when they are dependent on funding from those
very same international governments.
Ironically, Allen may also be
guilty of the same error commonly made by donors who wrongly use “traditional”
project criteria to evaluate
advocacy, when more complex, long-term, context-dependent, social change
approaches are called for.
Third, Allen makes an important
point when she criticizes the bureaucracy of aid, and the very real damage aid processes
can cause to local civil society. Yet, this problem is not
specific to human rights funders, nor is it specific to Palestine. Aid recipients
around the world complain that the international aid system is self-serving
and self-perpetuating. Aid processes undermine the independence, sustainability
and impact of local civil society. Unfortunately, changing these policies may be
harder and take longer than changing Israeli occupation policies! Instead, some
aid justice advocates are proposing a more empowered approach: Palestinians can
assess aid according to whether or not
it advances Palestinian self-determination, then boycott aid
that doesn't meet local criteria.
The only way out of this
conundrum is to decrease
dependence on aid, and here again, I disagree with Allen’s pessimistic outlook. IF we 1)
spend less by eliminating irrelevant or wasteful activities, 2) redefine
philanthropy to include both monetary and non-monetary resources, 3) reconnect
parts of the Palestinian community that have been separated from one another
(diaspora, Jerusalem, private sector, etc.) and 4) create mechanisms to
consolidate local control over resources and 5) promote accountability to local
communities––then we have excellent prospects. Fortunately, Palestine has a community foundation--Dalia Association—that is doing just that.
Founded in 2007, Dalia
Association is a small but growing philanthropic institution based in Ramallah
that mobilizes local, private sector, and diaspora resources, both monetary and
non-monetary, along with funding from solidarity-oriented international donors.
It makes small, unrestricted grants for Palestinian development using community-controlled grantmaking
methodologies. Dalia Association also promotes philanthropy, most recently by
launching company funds that enable
the Palestinian private sector to engage with development initiatives that are
led by the community. Dalia Association also advocates to reform international aidin line with
Palestinian rights and local priorities. They recently won the Arcus
Global Social Justice prize for their strategy, partly on the basis of this inspirational 10-minute film. And Dalia is
just one of many
Palestinian institutions that are trying, despite difficult circumstances,
to work with integrity and make a difference for Palestinians. They deserve
both local and international support.